Secretary-General Kofi Annan:
Thank you, President Gu, for that most flattering introduction.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a great honour for me to speak at one of China's great academic institutions one that is helping to revive and maintain your country's historic tradition of leading the world in science and technology, and one whose alumni are to be found in positions of leadership throughout the country.
Here, as in so many other places in China, no visitor can help feeling the excitement of a great country developing at breakneck speed, and every day opening up new vistas of knowledge and opportunity to its citizens. You can be really proud of your country and what it has achieved in the last 25 years.
As I look out over the young faces in this audience I cannot help envying the international students more than a thousand, I am told, from over 50 countries who have the privilege of sharing your learning experience here.
It reminds me for a moment of my own student days, when my country, Ghana, was newly independent. We felt we were suddenly reaching out to the world, and making new discoveries every day.
But then I also remember that times of rapid change can bring pain and confusion, even destruction, as well as progress and excitement.
The more rapid and exciting it is, the more change calls for careful management, and wise, humane leadership.
Order and stability have to be preserved, but without choking off the freedom to enquire, and experiment, and express oneself, since as you young researchers know better than anyone knowledge and science have a vital role in national development.
And technical expertise needs to be harnessed to the development and security of society as a whole, so that it not only creates greater wealth for the few, but enables all citizens to feel safer and more prosperous.
The development of such a great country as China cannot happen in isolation. It affects the whole world, and it draws you into new relationships with other parts of the world.
Increasingly, your economy depends on exchanges with other countries both imports and exports, of both goods and capital. Foreign investment plays an essential role in your growth, while your holdings of foreign currencies and your management of your own currency are coming to play a vital part in the international monetary system.
This means that you have a stake in the development and prosperity of the wider world. And your security, too, depends on international peace and stability.
Your government shows that it understands this, by the role that it plays in the United Nations, and elsewhere. And increasingly, Chinese citizens are called on to take risks, and make sacrifices, in the interests of global security. It was impressive to see, in our newspapers the other day, pictures of Chinese policemen in blue helmets preparing to join the United Nations mission in Haiti an island buffeted by both human and meteorological storms, which is literally on the far side of the world from here.
So I am here, in part, to express the world's gratitude. Clearly you in China have understood, as your saying goes, that we all share the same breath. Human misery knows no frontiers, and nor should human solidarity.
Indeed, solidarity was one of the fundamental values solemnly reaffirmed, four years ago, by the political leaders from all over the world who met at United Nations Headquarters, and issued the Millennium Declaration.
They declared that global challenges must be managed in a way that distributes the costs and burdens fairly…Those who suffer or who benefit least deserve help from those who benefit most.
They promised to spare no effort to free more than one billion of their fellow men, women and children from extreme poverty, and to make the right to development a reality for all.
And they set themselves precise benchmarks by which their success in keeping these promises could be measured, in the year 2015.
Those benchmarks have come to be known as the Millennium Development Goals, or MDGs. First among them is the pledge to reduce by half the proportion of people in the world living on an income of less than one dollar a day. Others include the pledge to halt, and begin to reverse, the spread of HIV/AIDS; and the pledge to integrate the principles of sustainable development into every country's policies and programmes, so that our children and grandchildren will not face the threat of living on a planet irredeemably spoilt by human activities, or whose resources are not sufficient for their needs.
Will the world reach these goals by 2015? It depends, in great part, on China.
Your population is so large, and your economy is growing so rapidly, that your impact on all global statistics is enormous. It is theoretically possible that we might succeed in halving the proportion of very poor people in the world by 2015, simply because China had succeeded in lifting almost all its people out of that category, even if most countries in Africa still had the same proportion.
Conversely, many countries might, by 2015, have made great strides in combating HIV/AIDS, or adopting sustainable models of development. But if China had failed to do those things, there would still be terrible consequences for humanity.
However, that need not be the path taken, either in this country or in the rest of the world. Both for your national interests and in the interest of the world as a whole, you have a great responsibility to look after your people, and your natural environment.
But your responsibility does not end there.
The eighth and last Millennium Development Goal is a global partnership for development. This means that developing countries must not be left to develop on their own. They need the help of the richer and more powerful countries through the removal of unfair trade barriers and subsidised competition; through the elimination of the debts which oblige so many poor countries to spend more on repaying and servicing their creditors than they can on the social needs of their own people; and through more generous official development aid which the rich countries have repeatedly promised to provide.
In practical terms, global partnership means that every country where there is extreme poverty is entitled to expect help in forging and pursuing a national strategy to achieve the MDGs by 2015. For the poorest countries, most of which are in Africa, this will be of decisive importance. Without it, they will not reach the Goals. With it, they are in with a real chance.
That places a big responsibility on the rich countries and it is one that China shares. I know you are used to thinking of your country as a developing one, and so it is probably the fastest developing country the world has ever seen. But the more successfully it develops, the more it too will be expected to show solidarity with smaller and poorer countries that still need a helping hand.
By the same token, as China's geopolitical weight grows, so does its share of responsibility for world security.
As well as global solidarity, the Millennium Declaration expressed a shared vision of collective security, rooted in the United Nations Charter.
Yet the events of the past two years have called that consensus in question.
Some have doubted whether Article 51 of the Charter, which reaffirms the inherent right of self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security, is still sufficient in an age when an armed attack may come without warning, from a clandestine terrorist group, perhaps armed with weapons of mass destruction.
They have argued that force must sometimes be used preventively, and that they must be free to decide when their national security requires it.
Others have replied that that doctrine is in itself a grave threat to international peace and security since it might imply that any state has the right to use force whenever it sees fit, without regard to other states' concerns. And that is precisely the state of affairs which the United Nations was created to save humanity from.
Indeed, the first purpose of the United Nations, laid down in Article 1 of the Charter, is to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace.
We must show that the United Nations is capable of fulfilling that purpose, so that States do not feel obliged or entitled to take the law into their own hands.
That is why, last year, I asked a small panel of distinguished men and women to make recommendations on ways of dealing with threats and challenges to peace and security in the twenty-first century. I am delighted that a very wise Chinese statesman, Mr. Qian Qichen, agreed to join that panel, whose report should be ready in a few weeks' time.
I hope that its recommendations will help us to rebuild and improve our global security system, so that in future no state feels it has to face global threats on its own, and all can feel confident that others will respect the rules.
In short, my friends, there is much to be done to make the world safe in this new century, and to give all its inhabitants a real chance of living prosperous and fulfilling lives. Many bold decisions need to be taken, and taken soon.
I hope that some of the most important may be taken in September next year, when world leaders will again assemble at the United Nations to review the progress made, or not made, since the Millennium Declaration. This will be the world's best chance for a breakthrough to address the joint global challenges of development and security. Yet the task will be much tougher than five years ag instead of setting goals, this time leaders must agree on concrete decisions to achieve them.
For 191 nations to agree on a common path forward, many debates will be needed over the coming year, both within countries and among them. Governments will have to work together and reach compromises, sometimes involving the sacrifice of cherished national goals or interests. And they can do so only if their peoples understand what is at stake, and firmly support it
China, with its remarkable experience in development and expertise in security, can make a leading contribution to this vital global breakthrough.
That is why I am so glad to be in Beijing today, and to have the chance to speak not only to your government but also to you here, in one of China's great centres of innovation and creative thought. You young educated people have so much to contribute to development, and to meeting the global challenges that I have spoken about safeguarding world peace and security, developing friendly relations among peoples of different faith or culture, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
You already have a well-developed network of solidarity between richer and poorer regions within China, and I know many of you will be serving in poor areas, after you graduate. I hope some of you will think also about serving in other parts of the world, where your skills may be even more desperately needed.
I urge you all and your contemporaries throughout China to commit yourselves to finding answers to our century's great challenges of poverty, disease, and environmental degradation. I say to you, as I have said to students in the United States, and many other countries, go out and make the world better!
But I have spoken long enough. Now it's your turn. If you have questions, I will try to answer them. But I hope you may also have comments, so that I can learn from you.
Thank you very much.
顧校長，感謝你充滿溢美之詞的介紹。
女士們、先生們：
清華大學是中國最具聲望的學府之一，來到這裡演講使我感到十分榮幸。中國具有領先世界科技的歷史傳統，貴校正在努力恢復和保持這一傳統，貴校的畢 業生遍布全國各地的領導崗位。
和在中國其他許多地方一樣，凡是來到清華大學參觀的人，都不能不對偉大中國突飛猛進的發展，每天給人民帶來的新的知識和機會而感到興奮。各位，你們盡可對自己的國家和國家25年來的成就感到驕傲。
看著聽眾席上一張張年輕的面孔，我不得不對國際學生充滿羨慕之情。我聽說，來自50多個國家的1000多名學生有幸與大家一起在貴校同窗學習。
這使我想起了我自己的求學歲月，當時我的祖國加納剛剛獲得獨立。我們突然感到，我們的國家正在走向世界，我們每天都有新的發現。
但是，我也記得迅速變化的年代帶來的不僅是進步和興奮，它同樣能帶來痛苦和困惑，甚至是破壞。
變化越是迅速、越是令人興奮，就越需要謹慎把握，需要明智和以人為本的領導。
我們必須找出辦法保護貧窮和弱勢群體的利益不受侵犯，朝氣蓬勃的年輕一代不被剝奪變化帶來的各種機會。
我們必須維護秩序和穩定，但也不應扼殺探索、試驗和表達意見的自由。作為年輕的學者，你們比任何人都更清楚地知道，在國家的發展中，知識和科學有著舉足輕重的作用。應該把科技專門知識用於全社會的發展和保障，既要為少數人帶來更大的財富，又要使全體公民感到更加安全，更加富裕。
中國是一個偉大的國家，中國的發展不可能在孤立中實現。中國的發展對全世界產生了影響，而發展又把中國帶入了與世界其他地區建立的新型關係。
就商品和資金的進出口而言，中國經濟對與其他國家交流的依賴程度越來越大。外國投資對於中國經濟的增長發揮著根本的作用，而中國的外匯儲備以及貴國對本國貨幣的管理，將在國際貨幣體系中發揮重要的作用。 這就是說，全世界的發展與繁榮對中國利害攸關。中國的安全也離不開國際的和平和穩定。
中國政府通過在聯合國以及其他場所發揮的作用表明，中國認識到了這一點。中國公民越來越多地被要求為全球安全的利益承擔風險，作出犧牲。前幾天我們看到，我們的報紙上刊登了中國警察頭戴藍盔，準備奔赴海地參加聯合國特派團工作的照片，這給我們留下了深刻的印象。天災人禍不斷的島國海地，的確與中國遠隔重洋。
因此，今天我來到貴校也是為了表達全世界對中國的感激之情。中國人民顯然理解，正如。中國諺語所說，應該“同呼吸共命運”。我們還可以再加一句：在全球化的年代裡，一個人的呼吸，足以使世界另一半球的人打噴嚏。人類的苦難沒有國界，人類的團結也應同樣不分國界。的確，四年前世界各國領導人在聯合國總部對團結的根本價值作出了莊嚴承諾，並發表了《千年宣言》。
他們宣布，“必須以公平承擔有關代價和負擔的方式處理各種全球挑戰……遭受不利影響或得益最少的人有權得到得益最多者的幫助。”
他們承諾“竭盡全力”，使世界上為數十億的男子、婦女和兒童擺脫赤貧，並使發展權成為所有人民的現實。
他們制訂了精確的標準，用以衡量到2024年履行承諾的成就。
人們把這些標準稱作千年發展目標。千年發展目標中的第一條，就是把世界上每天收入不足一美元的人口減少一半。其他目標還有：制止並開始扭轉愛滋病毒/愛滋病的蔓延：把可持續發展原則納入各國的政策和計畫，以使我們的子孫後代不會面臨居住的地球因遭到人類活動破壞而無法補救、或資源無法滿足人類需要的威脅。
那么，到 2024年全世界是么能夠實現這些目標？這在很大程度上取決於中國。
中國是一個人口眾多、經濟迅速發展的國家，中國對全球所有統計數字都有著巨大的影響。即使非洲許多國家的問題依然如舊，但在理論上只要中國基本消除了最貧困人口，到2024年我們就能實現把全世界這類人口減少一半的目標。
相反，到2024年也許許多國家可能在防治愛滋病毒／愛滋病、或在採取可持續發展模式方面取得了巨大的進展。但是，如果中國未能採取同樣的行動，那么這仍將會給整個人類帶來可怕的後果。
然而，中國和世界其他國家都可以不走這樣的道路。為了中國的利益，也為了全世界的利益，你們應該承擔起改善本國人民生活、保護本國自然環境的重大責任。
但是，你們的責任並非僅此而已。
千年發展目標的第八項也是最後一項是全球合作促進發展。這就意味著不能拋開發展中國家不管，任其自己發展。開發中國家需要較為富裕、較為強大的國家給予幫助，這就需要消除不公平的貿易壁壘，消除補貼式競爭；需要免除債務，許多貧窮國家為了向債主償還債務，所費開支遠遠超出了這些國家為滿足本國人民的社會需求所作的開支：還需要更為慷慨的官方發展援助，許多富裕國家曾屢作承諾，提供這種援助。
具體說來，全球夥伴關係意味著每一個存在赤貧的國家都有權利期望獲得幫助，以擬定並執行到2024年實現千年發展目標的國家戰略。這一點對於大多數位處非洲的最貧窮的國家來說，具有至關重要的意義。如果沒有這種幫助，這些國家就不能實現千年發展目標。如果能夠得到這種幫助，這些國家就真正有機會實現這些目標。這就使富裕國家擔負起一個重大責任，對此，中國也責無旁貸。我知道，你們習慣將自己的國家作為一個開發中國家來看待，中國也的確是一個開發中國家，也許是世界上前所未有的發展速度最快的囚家。不過，中國發展越成功，人們也就越期待中國能夠對那些仍然需要援助之手的小國、窮國表現出同舟共濟的精神。
同樣，隨著中國在地緣政治方面地位不斷提高，她在世界安全方面也應分擔更大的責任。《千年宣言》體現了全球團結的精神，也表達了集體安全這一植根於《聯合國憲章》的共同理想。
然而，過去兩年來發生的各種事件使人們對這一共識產生了疑慮。
《憲章》第八十一條重申“聯合國會員國受武力攻擊時，在安全理事會採取必要辦法，以維持國際和平及安全以前，行使自衛之自然權利”。而在當今時代，秘密的恐怖主義集團可能在沒有任何警告的情況下發動武裝攻擊，這些集團也許持有大規模毀滅性武器，在這樣一個時代，一些人對上述條款是否依然具有足夠效力產生懷疑。
這些人辯解說，這些時候必須為了預防而使用武力，而在他們國家安全需要時，必須有權自由作出此種決定。還有些人則認為，這種理論本身就是對國際和平與安全的嚴重威脅，因為這就意味著任何國家，只要自己認為合適，都有權動武，而不必考慮其他國家所關切的問題。然而，創立聯合國恰恰是為了使人類免於遭受這種局面。
的確，《憲章》第一條規定，聯合國的首要宗旨是“採取有效集體辦法，防止且消除對和平之威脅”。
我們必須表現出聯合國有能力履行這一宗旨，以使各國不必感到必須或有權利自行執法。
正是出於這一原因，我於去年請一個名人小組就如何在二十一世紀解決對和平與安全的威脅和挑戰提出建議。我感到欣慰的是，一位充滿智慧的中國政治家錢其琛先生同意參加該小組，再過幾個星期小組的報告就可以提交了。我希望小組的建議將有助於我們重新建立並改進我們的全球安全體系，這樣，未來將沒有任何一個國家會感到必須要單槍匹馬地面對全球性威脅，而所有國家都會充滿信心地認為其他國家將會遵守這些規則。
簡言之，朋友們，要在這個新世紀裡使世界變得安全，並賦予全世界所有居民以真正的機會，欣欣向榮，充實地生活，尚有許多工作要做。需要作出許多具有膽識的決定，而且時不我待。
明年九月，世界領導人將再一次在聯合國聚集一堂，審查《千年宣言》以來有哪些進展，或缺乏進展，我希望，屆時將會作出一些極為重要的決定。這將是世界在應對發展與安全這一雙重全球性挑戰方面實現突破的絕佳機遇。不過與五年前相比，任務將更加艱巨，這次領導人不是制訂目標，而是為實現這些目標商定具體的決策。要使191個國家就共同的前進道路達成協定，還需要在未來的一年進行許多討論，在一國之內和各國之間都要開展辯論。各國政府必須共同努力，並且還要達成妥協，有時甚至要對寶貴的國家目標或國家利益忍痛作出犧牲。但要做到這點，就必須使本國人民懂得利害相關所在，贏得他們的堅定支持。
中國在發展方面有出色經驗，在安全方面也獨具專長，因此，可以為這一至關重要的全球性突破作出主導性貢獻。
因此，我今天來到北京非常高興，能夠有機會不僅同貴國政府交談，而且來到中國著名的學府，這個發明與創新思想的搖籃，與在座各位交談。我剛剛談到了各種挑戰，包括保衛世界和平與安全，在不同信仰或文化的人民之間發展友好關係，實現千年發展目標等等，為應對這些全球性挑戰，為實現發展，你們這些有教育的青年可以大有作為。
在中國，你們在富裕和貧困地區之間已經建立了十分發達的互助網路，而且我知道你們許多人將在畢業之後去貧困地區服務。我希望你們中的一些人也會考慮到世界的其他地方去服務，在那裡，也許更加迫切的需要你們的技藝。
我鼓勵你們全體，全中國各地的你們這一代人，立志求索，為解決貧窮、疾病及環境退化等我們這個世紀所面臨的各種巨大挑戰，尋求途徑。我曾對美國的學生，對其他許多國家的學生說過，現在也對你們說：“走出去，把世界變得更美好！”
我說的時間已經夠長了。現在該輪到你們了。如果你們有問題，我將盡力回答。不過我還希望你們作出評論，這樣我可以向你們學習。
謝謝大家。